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TTC rolls out new bus-only lanes. Here’s what you need to know

TTC bus riders finally have a lane of their own.

The first bus-only lanes installed under Toronto’s are now up and running on Morningside Avenue in Scarborough, part of a wider installation on the that should be complete next month.

Reserved lanes for buses are common in other cities, but Toronto has historically been reluctant to embrace them. That changed this summer when , with proponents arguing that improving bus service would reduce crowding on TTC vehicles and help limit the spread of COVID-19.

Ahead of the bus lanes’ official inauguration on Oct. 11, here’s what you need to know about the latest addition to Toronto’s transit network.

Where are the new lanes?

The lanes are being installed on an 8.5-kilometre corridor between Brimley Road and the University of Toronto Scarborough Campus, via Eglinton East, Kingston Road, and Morningside Avenue. They will eventually be extended from Brimley Road to Kennedy station once the Scarborough subway extension is complete.

The city and TTC plan to install bus lanes on at least four more corridors, starting with Jane Street, between Eglinton Avenue and Steeles Avenue next year. Lanes on Dufferin Street, Steeles Avenue West, and Finch Avenue East would come later.

Bus routes on these corridors serve lower-income communities in Toronto’s inner suburbs where transit ridership has remained high during the pandemic as a result of employees in essential sectors like health care, manufacturing and food distribution relying on the TTC to get to work. Some of the neighbourhoods have also been hardest hit by COVID-19.

“We need to support communities in the suburbs of Toronto who really do rely on surface transit to get around,” said Coun. Brad Bradford (Ward 19, Beaches-East York), who sits on the TTC board and advocated for the new lanes.

The Eglinton lanes are expected to cost almost $8 million, and are being installed as permanent infrastructure, not a pilot project.

How will the lanes affect bus service?

Prior to COVID, four bus routes operating on the Eglinton corridor carried about 47,000 people per weekday. Crowded buses were frequently stuck in a sea of single-occupancy private cars, which experts say is an inefficient use of road space.

The TTC projects that by giving buses their own lanes, the Eglinton East project will reduce travel times on local and express routes by 16.5 and 6.5 per cent respectively. For example, riders on the 905 Eglinton East Express would save 4 to 5 minutes on a trip from Kennedy station to UTSC.

The lanes should also help alleviate crowding by ensuring buses operate at regularly spaced intervals. The goal is to “get to more evenly distributed crowding” so that a packed bus isn’t quickly followed by a half-empty one, said TTC senior planner Eric Chu.

The TTC doesn’t plan to add service to routes operating in the bus lanes. Instead, the agency hopes the lanes will allow it to operate the same number of bus trips per hour using fewer vehicles.

As a result, the city expects the lanes to generate $2.5 million in annual savings for the TTC. According to Chu, that will allow the agency to reintroduce express bus routes that were as ridership plummeted.

Why is the TTC removing stops?

The TTC plans to “consolidate,” or remove, 24 of the 69 stops along the Eglinton corridor. Transit agency officials say removing some less busy stops is necessary to allow buses to move quickly through the new lanes. But with fewer stops people will have to walk farther to catch a bus, and transit “could become less accessible for some riders,” warned Shelagh Pizey-Allen, director of the TTCriders advocacy group.

Chu said the TTC takes those concerns seriously, and the agency is consulting on the stop-removal plan. But he said there are always tradeoffs when the TTC changes its service. “What we try to achieve is the balance that overall more people will benefit from these changes than people that are inconvenienced,” he said.

How were the lanes designed?

As of Friday, the section of bus lanes on Morningside between Kingston Road and UTSC that are already operational were marked with signage and eye-catching red pavement treatment. Diamond and “bus only” pavement markings, as well as RapidTO pole banners, are being added.

Striped red pavement treatment designates sections of the lanes where drivers are allowed to enter in order to access driveways or make right turns.

The design is based on provincial and national standards, and doesn’t currently include physical barriers to separate the bus lanes and regular traffic. That means it will be up to car drivers to pay attention and obey the rules. The penalty for improperly driving in a bus lane is a $110 fine and three demerit points.

Allan Abrogena, project lead with the Toronto’s transportation department, said the city is open to tweaking the design if necessary, but its priority was to get the project operational. “We want to get this rolling first,” he said.

On Friday, compliance was spotty, and a minority of drivers consistently occupied the bus lanes on Morningside. The city and TTC are planning an education and enforcement campaign to alert drivers to the changes.

“It’s not something we can just roll out and expect people to figure it out on their own,” said Bradford.

Ben Spurr is a Toronto-based reporter covering transportation. Reach him by email at or follow him on Twitter: @BenSpurr

Donald Trump lost, but Trumpism is still thriving. Could it take hold in Canada, too?

Canadians who were shocked by the election of Donald Trump in 2016 have been comforting themselves since then with two thoughts: it can’t happen again and it can’t happen here.

It didn’t happen again; not quite. But the fact that Trump gained more votes in 2020 than he did four years ago — roughly seven million more, so far — should serve as bracing evidence that Trumpism is more than a blip on the political landscape.

So by the same token, it’s probably unwise to continue assuming that Trump’s brand of politics can be somehow contained south of the Canada-U.S. border, any more than a virus can. While Canadians of a progressive bent may be still basking in relief over Joe Biden’s victory, complacency doesn’t seem like the best idea over the long haul.

The win, in short, was too close a call.

When you think about it, Canadian Liberals in particular have experienced two jolts to their comfortable assumptions in the past couple of weeks.

Two by-elections in Toronto, in some of the safest Liberal ridings in Canada, saw erosions in support for Justin Trudeau’s Liberals. These were the first electoral verdicts on the prime minister since the pandemic hit Canada, and the first chance for voters to weigh in on all of Trudeau’s very deliberate efforts to handle the crisis in a way opposite to Trump.

Trudeau won those by-elections, but not resoundingly. Nor was Trump resoundingly defeated last week, even if Canadians — like many pollsters north and south of the border — were expecting a slam dunk.

Frank Graves, the EKOS pollster who has been doing an intense study of populism and its potential to surface in Canada, was not feeling complacent at all as the results rolled in from the Nov. 3 vote. on the eve of the vote last week, and the conclusion of that article was a warning and a prediction wrapped up in four words: “Trump is still competitive.”

Quietly, methodically, Graves has been analyzing the component pieces of Trump’s appeal and what feeds the political culture of grievance that the president championed. Much of Graves’ in a paper for the University of Calgary’s public-policy school — a paper that should be required reading for any Canadians of the “it can’t happen here” way of thinking.

Graves has coined the phrase “ordered populism” to describe the Trump phenomenon and the paper’s summary describes it this way:

“Ordered populism rests on the belief in a corrupt elite, and the idea that power needs to be wrested from this elite and returned to the people. Oriented toward authoritarianism, ordered populism emphasizes obedience, hostility toward outgroups, a desire to turn back the clock to a time of greater order in society, and a search for a strongman type to lead the return to a better time.”

Does that type of politics exist in Canada? It sure does, Graves says, and it’s been on the rise for the past few years. His research says that view is shared by as much as a third of the population and its ascent is accompanied by increases in polarization, inequality and a decline in the middle class.

This is all a bucket of cold water on the wave of relief in Canada at Trump’s defeat, but Graves is blunt. “If you think anything has been solved in the United States with this election, it’s not,” he says. “Our response is typically in Canada to either sneer at this or deny that it’s happening, and that’s really not particularly helpful.”

Some of that denial is rooted in the fact that we really don’t have a northern version of Trump in Canada, though that label has been tried out on everyone from Ontario Premier Doug Ford to Alberta Premier Jason Kenney to Maxime Bernier, tleader of the new People’s Party — who hasn’t so far managed to win a seat for himself or his party. Nor has Canada polarized, at least not yet, around the pandemic, as the U.S. did.

Just because we don’t have a Trump here, though, doesn’t mean that we’re immune to the political forces he whipped up in the U.S.: whether that’s opposition to global trade and immigration, or grudge-fuelled resentment of institutions, big business, elites and experts. Any glance at the Canadian political conversation on Twitter demonstrates daily that this anger simmers on social media.

Allan Rock, former senior minister in Jean Chretien’s government who also served as Canada’s ambassador to the United Nations, has been urging that this country keep up its guard against the spread of Trumpism. He spoke about some of those concerns on CBC Radio’s The Current last week, and afterward obliged me with some further thoughts.

Rock says he’s been troubled for a while about what dark forces Trump seems to have unleashed, not just in the U.S., but in Canada too.

“I think the most damaging aspect of his awful tenure has been the voice he has given to white supremacy and racism generally,” Rock said.

He points to what , up 47 after Trump came to power. “Although the numbers went down in 2018, they remain higher than before Trump took office (they were on a downward trend 2014-16,)” Rock notes.

“Beyond those stats, one can cite the general coarsening of the language used in public debate, the frightening aggressiveness on social media, and the steep and activity of extreme right-wing groups in Canada — all evidence of lowered civility, more confrontational behaviour and the increasing boldness of the hatemongers.”

It’s not just words, though.

Rock didn’t mention it explicitly, but many Liberals are disturbed by how blithely people seem to have skipped right past a chilling incident last summer, when a Canadian Forces reserve member, Corey Hurren, crashed through the gates of Rideau Hall with a truck full of weapons, headed for Trudeau’s residence. As the Star has reported, Hurren has a well-documented connection to far-right conspiracy networks and the alternative-news universe. The “sausage-maker from Manitoba,” as Hurren has been described, was actually due in court last Friday, but the case was held over for another month, awaiting a possible plea.

The day before this incident, a “Freedom Rally” took place in Ottawa, complete with pandemic deniers, anti-mask and gun advocates, and yes, placards in support of Trump. It was by no means a large civil disturbance — the national capital kind of rolls with protests of all kinds — but it was enough of an event to show that Trump’s brand of grievance politics exists in Canada, too. Bernier made an appearance at the rally, but it would be a stretch to call him the leader of it.

Canada’s complacency about Trump-style politics is also fed by the absence here of two other major ingredients of its power in the U.S.: binary choices and Fox News (a mass-market media amplifier for Trump and his base).

In Canada, voters have more than two, either/or options at the ballot box and more citizens float between political parties, making it more difficult to cast the choice on election day as one between good and evil. There’s no equivalent of Fox News and viewership for it here is minuscule, say sources familiar with the Canadian ratings. An attempt at setting up a Fox News North, Sun TV, collapsed several years ago because it wasn’t profitable.

All Canadians who were riveted to the extra-long vote count in the U.S. — the ones who were hoping for Trump’s defeat — have no doubt floated between optimism and pessimism over the past week: hope for the way it turned out and despair that it was that close. It’s been said before; the hardest place to be in politics in these polarized times is right in the middle.

The centre is an even more uncomfortable place, too, after the past week in U.S. politics, which proved that it’s no longer possible — or wise — to see Trump as a passing or containable force.

Susan Delacourt is an Ottawa-based columnist covering national politics for the Star. Reach her via email: sdelacourt@thestar.ca or follow her on Twitter: @susandelacourt

Susan Delacourt is an Ottawa-based columnist covering national politics for the Star. Reach her via email: or follow her on Twitter: @susandelacourt